Humans
prefer simplicity to complexity. This is why mythologies still
resonate with us, despite our hubristic claims to rationality and
"following the science." What we actually crave isn't the
challenge of teasing apart highly complex systems of interconnected
dynamics in which each subsystem influences every other
subsystem.
What we crave is a simplistic explanation / answer
and a leader who we can follow because they keep repeating the
simplistic answer. So we boil complicated systems such as societies
and economies down to "capitalism" or 'socialism," and
cling to simplistic versions of these ideas as the explanation of
human nature and the answer to all our problems.
When these
simple ideas fail to map reality, we're forced to say things such as
"ah, capitalism / socialism works wonderfully and perfectly, but
we don't have true capitalism / socialism," with the unstated
cause of this troublesome imperfection being, well, the pesky humans
in the otherwise perfect system.
Which leads us to the
present. A great many people cling to a simple reform which they
believe will either solve all our problems at the root, or at least
go a long way to setting the course that will solve all our problems.
These reforms include: hard money / return to the gold standard;
adopting bitcoin as the universal currency; seeking "market-driven
solutions" to every problem, more regulatory oversight to make
sure bad things stop happening, and so on.
If simple reforms /
"getting back to basics" actually worked, history would be
composed of well-run, boring utopias interrupted every so often by
spots of bother that were quickly vanquished by one of the
tried-and-true simple reforms. But this doesn't map the historical
record, which tends to exhibit long periods of stability
characterized by complex city-states / empires establishing a system
of governance and economic organization that is productive and
adaptive to the predominate conditions of the era.
These
stable system are eventually fatally disrupted by one or both of
these forces:
1. The predominate conditions change
dramatically, demanding adaptations that are beyond the capacity of
the system that had worked so well for hundreds of years. These
externalities include epidemics, long-term droughts, depletion of
vital resources and invasion. In some cases, these external forces
overlap, generating a Polycrisis in whih each external challenge
reinforces the others or depletes the system's reserves to the point
there is nothing left to deal with the last set of crises.
2.
The system's internal limitations - invisible to the participants -
fatally restrict the flexibility and adaptability needed to recognize
and respond to gradually-developing weaknesses generated by the
internal limitations. The weaknesses are papered over by underlings
fearful of reporting the troubling truth - "everything's
perfectly all right now. We're fine. We're all fine here now, thank
you" - or narrative control - the empire is forever, no worries
- or the system responds by doing more of what's failed
spectacularly: the gods are angrier than we thought, sacrifice ten
times more captives next time, that should do the trick.
Here
is how Ray Huang, author of 1587, A Year of No Significance: The Ming
Dynasty in Decline summarized the internal limits of the Ming
Dynasty's system 57 years before its final collapse in 1644: "The
year 1587 may seem to be insignificant; nevertheless, it is evident
by that time the limit for the Ming dynasty had already been reached.
It no longer mattered whether the ruler was conscientious or
irresponsible, whether his chief counselor was enterprising or
conformist, whether the generals were resourceful or incompetent,
whether the civil officials were honest or corrupt, or whether the
leading thinkers were radicals or conservatives - in the end they all
failed to reach fulfillment."
The status quo has already
reached its limits and reform on any scale beyond the usual
incremental "policy tweaks" is impossible, and it no longer
matters who's nominally in charge, if rulers are competent, officials
are honest or corrupt, or thinkers are radicals or conservatives -
the system is beset by forces it fostered but no longer controls, and
indeed is incapable of controlling due to the intrinsic limits of the
system's core structures, limits which were invisible during the
Boost Phase of rapid expansion.
The Ming Dynasty's highly
centralized system of governance was unified and guided by a
Confucianist moral code rather than a highly developed system of laws
and regulations. The current global status quo is unified and guided
by a code based on a specific definition of Progress: the eternal
growth of production and consumption of goods and services, and the
eternal growth of the credit needed to fuel this growth in a
permanent economic expansion in which whatever is labeled
"innovative" is reckoned better than whatever it replaced.
Any evidence to the contrary is dismissed as "negativity,"
"Luddite," and other derogatory labels: new is by
definition the epitome of Progress.
It is now clear that
"Progress" defined as whatever is "new" and
"innovative" is in many cases the opposite of actual
Progress - what I term anti-Progress - and so this simplistic
ideological underpinning of the status quo is crumbling.
The
"innovation" may well be highly profitable -
financialization, globalization, social media, etc. - but its impact
may be disruptive to the point that the system is internally
incapable of responding fast enough and decisively enough to correct
the resulting run to failure.
Given the internal, structural limits, the entire system has only one pathway: decline to the point that a seemingly modest crisis disrupts the last shreds of coherence in an increasingly nonlinear system and the resulting asymmetric effect collapses the system.
The Ming
Dynasty took 57 years to decay and collapse from 1587. Given the
nonlinear dynamics and the inherent fragility of the status quo's
many dependency chains, this timeline could be reduced by an order of
magnitude to 5.7 years. We won't know until a crisis that would have
been controllable in decades past generates asymmetric effects the
system can no longer control.
The key takeaway here is: don't
count on a simplistic ideology or reform or a "supreme leader"
to save the status quo from internal failure: we're on our own, and
it's far better to face this daunting reality now rather than place
our faith - and our passive inaction - on the altar of false gods.
How Will We Distribute the Pain Ahead?
I
wish the transition ahead - the unwinding of all the distortions and
sources of instability in our economy and society - could be
painless. That would be ideal. But history suggests that hope is
unrealistic. History suggests those in power will cling to whatever
is working well for them even as the economy and society decay and
decohere around them.
Denial and magical thinking are the
order of the day. Rome is eternal, so there's nothing to worry about.
If the peasants have no bread, let them eat brioche. And so on.
If
the painless option is off the table, then the issue boils down to
the distribution of the pain. Ideally, those least able to sustain
further sacrifices will be favored at the expense of those better
able to sustain sacrifices. But those most able to sustain sacrifices
are those with the power to distribute the pain to others. This
dynamic leads to those least able to sustain sacrifices being
distributed the majority of the pain, to the point that they have so
little to lose that abandoning the status quo becomes the least worst
option.
The data collected by Italian researcher Vilfredo
Pareto revealed a pattern throughout Nature and civilization of 80/20
distributions, what we call the 80/20 Rule or the Pareto
Distribution: 20% of the sales staff make 80% of the sales, 20% of
the populace ends up owning 80% of the property, 20% of the plants
produce 80% of the seeds that sprout, and so on.
The Pareto
Distribution distills down to 80% of 80% and 20% of 20%, or 4/64: 4%
of the populace ends up with 64% of the property. In the U.S., the
top 10% own 93% of the stocks, and it's likely the top 5% own 65% -
in line with the Pareto Distribution. The bottom 50% own 2.6% of all
financial assets. This is in line with the Pareto Distribution: the
bottom 64% own about 4% of the nation's financial assets.
The
issue thus becomes how best to avoid the dire consequences of the 4%
at the top of the wealth-power pyramid distributing 64% of the pain
to those at the bottom. Unfortunately, the pain will be distributed
unevenly regardless of our intentions: highly paid people in
unsustainably costly industries will be laid off along with people in
more precarious jobs.
Our most realistic hope is to do our best to ease the burdens of those who will suffer the most severe dislocations and shift some of the sacrifices to those with sufficient means to cushion them from any real suffering. We can rethink our winner take most financial system, our duct-taped social contract, our enfeebled civic virtue and our waste is growth Landfill Economy.
Or we can let the system run to failure and let the Devil Take the Hindmost. What is acceptable, and what is unacceptable? We'll soon have to decide.
by Charles Hugh Smith at charleshughsmith.blogspot.com on July 7 and 12, 2024
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